A previous blog post described how Jainism does not accept the existence of God, or at least “God” understood as “a singular supreme being with an origin and nature and prowess uniquely different from all other beings, even other gods.” Someone unfamiliar with Jainism might then wonder to whom ceremonial reverence (pūjā) is directed, if not toward a singular supreme deity. They may be further confused by the fact that Jainism accepts the existence of “small-g” gods, and yet, generally speaking, Jain pūjā is also not directed toward these celestial beings. Then what is the purpose of Jain pūjā? Or, to ask the question another way, how should we understand pūjā in the Jain tradition? 

Pūjā is derived from the Sanskrit verb pūj, which means to honor, worship, revere, respect, or regard. An object of religious honor or worship is typically assumed to be a deity or some other supernatural being. This being may or may not be alleged to have the power to intervene in the material world to positively impact one’s well-being, such as through removing infirmity, instigating rainfall, or bestowing wealth. However, traditional Jain pūjā is directed toward neither a deity nor any other being who can purportedly intercede on one’s behalf. Thus, while some of the formal aspects of Jain pūjā resemble and perhaps even draw from antecedent Hindu ritual practices (Williams 1963, 216), the lack of an expectation of return from the revered object distinguishes Jain pūjā from many other South Asian forms of worship. 

The unifying feature of Jain pūjā across Śvetāmbara and Digambara traditions is its specific reverence for Jainism’s “five supreme beings” (pañcaparameṣṭin). These five classes of beings are announced in the most repeated and well-known utterance in Jainism, the Namokar Mantra. The five classes are the arhats (liberated, omniscient souls who share the teachings of the Jain tradition while living), the siddhas (liberated, omniscient souls who dispassionately observe the universe from above), the ācāryas (reliable leaders of ascetic groups that serve as the highest models of proper ascetic behavior), the upādhyāyas (those responsible for teaching Jain knowledge to their ascetic students), and the sādhus (the spiritual seekers tasked with embodying proper conduct for the attainment of liberation). As the tīrthaṅkaras/arhats are the most common objects of reverence, it is possible to interpret Jain pūjā as a reenactment or imitation of the samavasaraṇa, the great preaching hall where the tīrthaṅkaras teach the dharma to the assembly of listeners. As Āśādhara encourages one to voice internally upon entering the temple, “This is the samavasaraṇa, this is the jina, and these are those who sit in the assembly” (Quoted in Williams 1963, 216).

Jainism distinguishes dravya pūjā (“reverence with substances,” or external reverence) from bhāva pūjā (“reverence with feeling,” or internal reverence). Derāvāsī (or Mūrtipūjaka) Jains, the largest Śvetāmbara sect, perform image veneration (caitya-vandan) and the eightfold ritual (aṣṭaprakārī pūjā) toward Mahāvīra and the other tīrthaṅkaras. Notably the aṣṭaprakārī pūjā includes bathing the images (mūrtis) of these figures and offering them flowers, ornaments, food, and other items. Lay Derāvāsī Jains perform dravya pūjā in both temples and at home shrines, and may also perform bhāva pūjā, while ascetics only perform bhāva pūjā. Sthānakavāsī Jains, by contrast, a sect that developed between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries CE, proscribe external reverence for both laypeople and ascetics, attributing its emergence and inclusion in Jainism to the moral decrepitude of the present age. Accordingly, Sthānakavāsīs only practice internal reverence of Mahāvīra and the other tīrthaṅkaras.

However, as John Cort has observed, the distinction between—and disagreement about—dravya pūjā and bhāva pūjā has not prevented Jain ascetics (including Digambara bhaṭṭārakas, or clothed, stationary renunciants) from being intimately involved in image consecration, temple development, and the formulation of guidelines for proper external pūjā. Even more significantly, widespread support for dravya pūjā in both temples and at home shrines survives across Jain sects because worshipers are instructed to maintain the appropriate mental disposition while engaged in rituals. In short, orthodoxy (“right doctrine”) is never subordinated to orthopraxy (“right performance”), thereby appeasing Jain sensibilities less welcoming of material religious performances (Cort 2001, 63). 

The image veneration (caitya-vandan) of dravya pūjā is understood as part of the āvaśyakas, or the six essential practices of homage toward the twenty-four tīrthaṅkaras. Caitya-vandan is exercised at a distance from the image and involves a somewhat rote series of gestures, utterance, and postures, but does not include implements or offerings. The ritual of eightfold worship (aṣṭaprakārī pūjā), by contrast, is more customizable and employs eight specific substances: jala (water), gandha or caṃdana (sandalwood), akṣata (unbroken rice), puṣpa (flowers), caru or naivedya (sweets or sugar), dīpa (lamps), dhūpa (incense), and phala (fruits) (for an extended description of the aṣṭaprakārī pūjā, see Cort 2001, 71–85). Both practices also include the unique South Asian ocular exchange known as darśana, or the seeing and being seen by the venerated image. The affixing of glass eyes to most Śvetāmbara mūrtis evidences the importance of darśana in Jain dravya pūjā (Cort 2015).

No matter its internal or external expressions, one functional theme cuts across virtually all Jain pūjā. Since none of Jainism’s revered parameṣṭins can intervene in the world on one’s behalf, Jain pūjā does not satisfy as a plea for “divine” assistance. Rather, the purpose of pūjā in the Jain tradition is to strengthen Jains’ resolve in their pursuit and performance of the Three Jewels (ratna-traya): samyak-darśana (“right faith”), samyak-jñāna (“right knowledge”), and samyak-cāritra (“right conduct”). Pūjā is the daily embodied reminder of one’s commitment to Jain dharma, and by focusing on the images, teachings, and actions of the parameṣṭins, one is reminded of the faith, knowledge, and conduct that, despite myriad obstacles, eventually lead to liberation.

FURTHER READING:

Cort, John E. 2001. Jains in the World: Religious Values and Ideology in India. New York: Oxford University Press.

_____ . 2015. “God’s Eyes: The Manufacture, Installation and Experience of External Eyes on Jain Icons.” In Sacred Matters: Material Religion in South Asian Traditions, edited by Corinne Dempsey and Tracy Pintchman, 39–66. Albany: SUNY Press.

Williams, Robert. 1963. Jaina Yoga: A Survey of the Medieval Śrāvakācāras. London: Oxford University Press.

Jonathan Dickstein, Assistant Professor at Arihanta Institute, completed his PhD in Religious Studies at the University of California-Santa Barbara. He specializes  in South Asian Religions, Animals and Religion, and Comparative Ethics. His current work focuses on Jainism and contemporary ecological issues, extending into Critical Animal Studies, Food Studies, and Diaspora Studies. 

Professor Dickstein's course 1014 | Jainism, Veganism, and Engaged Religion, co-taught with Professor Christopher Jain Miller, PhD is available now for self-study. 

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